Theme Sociology

Written by Lois Bryson, RMIT University/The University of Newcastle and Katy Richmond, LaTrobe University (with Helen Marshall), RMIT University

Women have played key leadership roles in the foundation and development of the discipline of sociology in Australia since the late 1930s but especially from the 1960s. Among the early leaders were Jean Martin, Lois Bryson, Katy Richmond, Bettina Cass and Cora Baldock. But undoubtedly Australia's most widely acclaimed sociologist is Professor Raewyn Connell whose work also straddles education, gender studies, political science and history. Given their centrality to the establishment of the discipline in Australia and its intellectual growth and reputation, this entry will focus primarily, though not exclusively, on the work and contribution of Jean Martin and, perhaps more controversially, Raewyn Connell (formerly R.W. Connell). It will conclude with a brief survey of the gender turn that began in the late 1960s and was connected strongly to the resurgent feminism of that period, resulting in groups of women working collectively to help advance sociologists' thinking about sex, gender, sexuality and inequality.

Sociology was first taught in Australia in 1914 and spread through Workers' Education Association tutorials at various universities, including the Universities of Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide and Tasmania. But it barely existed as a discipline in Australian university degree courses before 1960 and, where it was taught, was often embedded in social work programs or seen as an offshoot of anthropology. For example, a department was established at the Australian National University in 1950 but it was entirely dominated by anthropological concerns and offered no undergraduate teaching; it was here that Jean Martin completed her doctorate. In South Australia, Amy Wheaton (Bates, ADB; Land, AWR) taught sociology in the social work course from the late 1930s and continued to do so when the course became part of the new Department of Social Science at the University of Adelaide in 1942. Lois Bryson also first encountered the discipline in her social work course at the University of Melbourne in the 1950s. The first 'true' sociology department was established in 1959 at the NSW University of Technology (renamed the University of NSW in the same year). This was followed by a separate department of sociology in the Research School of Social Science at ANU in 1961, and new departments at the Universities of New England and Tasmania in 1962, Monash in 1964, Queensland in 1965, LaTrobe in 1966 and Macquarie in 1969. The Sociological Association of Australia and New Zealand was formed in 1963 and, after the New Zealanders formed their own organisation in 1988, SAANZ was succeed by The Australian Sociological Association (TASA) in 1989 (TASA History). Membership lists show the discipline's growing popularity among women and the pioneers referred to here were key figures in this growing interest and in shaping the professional organisation.

The problems encountered by some of these early pioneers, as well as their determinaton, are perhaps most clearly exemplified in the early career of Jean Martin (Richmond, ADB). Jean was born in Melbourne in 1923, but completed her education in Sydney. She graduated in anthropology from the University of Sydney in 1943, gaining the University Medal and first class honours on completion of her MA thesis in 1945. In the same year, Jean was appointed a lecturer in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Sydney. Her teaching was eclectic in range and indicated a moving away from traditional anthropological topics towards the emerging discipline of sociology. She lectured to a wide range of undergraduate and postgraduate students including child welfare officers, housing officers, town and country planning students as well as those studying tropical medicine. Jean was fully embedded as an academic in a department where, under Professor A.P. Elkin, the fostering of sociology was a key priority. The sort of sociology that Elkin encouraged was very much grounded in the social problems of Australian society of the times. What Jean added was a belief that participation in social action is a vital part of the research process (Shaver), writing papers for Elkin's short-lived Australian Institute of Sociology on rural housing, rural migration, soldiers' settlements, the adaptation of country girls to urban life and the working lives of women factory workers.

In the mid-1940s, since opportunities in Australia for postgraduate study in sociology were at that time non-existent, Jean saved money to spend fifteen months studying abroad. For nearly a year during 1947-48, she studied at the Department of Sociology at the University of Chicago, then the most prestigious sociology department in the United States. She then spent three months in London, studying at the London School of Economics. After her period overseas, Jean moved to the Institute of Advanced Studies at the Australian National University and was granted a postgraduate scholarship to undertake a doctorate, one of the first in the newly formed Department of Anthropology. Under the supervision of Professor Frederick Nadal, and following his particular interest in the topic, Jean studied refugee settlers living in the Goulburn area of NSW. Adhering to what was very much a Chicago school of sociology methodology, she combined participant observation with open-ended interviews, staying in a migrant hostel for a six-month period while she completed interviews with 71 refugees.

Jean completed her doctoral thesis in 1954 but, shortly afterwards, moved with her husband, Allan Martin, to Sydney where her two children were born in 1956 and 1958. While they were young, she worked on extending her doctoral thesis into a book. Wanting, however, to provide fully updated material, Jean waited a decade until she was able to complete a follow-up study of her refugee settlers. That this research was not published until 1965 as Refugee Settlers: A Study of Displaced Persons in Australia is indicative of the fragmented and largely unsatisfying nature of her career pathway during the decade following the completion of her doctorate and the birth of her children. Although she had teaching experience and a doctorate (rare for a woman in the social sciences at the time) and had begun seeking paid academic work from the early 1960s, she was not successful until she was 42 years of age. In part this was because sociology as a university discipline was still in its infancy but, in addition, Jean was hamstrung by university policy, invariably followed in those days, which ruled that a spouse of an existing academic member could not be employed in the same university department. Since Allan Martin was the key breadwinner, his career was assumed to take precedence. Thus, in attempting to establish a career for herself, she found that for a decade her considerable academic achievements were largely ignored and she was confined to following in her husband's footsteps from one Australian university to another and undertaking minimally paid research work for senior academics when opportunities were offered. She nevertheless resolutely pursued her own research in Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide, with her Adelaide research published in 1972 as Community and Identity: Refugee Groups in Adelaide. During these years, she also became more involved in public policy, developing links with Professor Ronald Henderson's nascent poverty research and working on migration policy with George Zubrycki and others at the Australian National University (Richmond, ADB).

Lois Bryson also found it difficult at first to obtain ongoing work in the universities, though for different reasons. After completing her social work degree at the University of Melbourne in 1958, she was employed as a junior staff member in 1959 but was unwittingly caught up in ASIO's 'spoiling operation' against supposedly subversive academics (Anderson; Bryson, 2005) and her university contract was not renewed. Although the early sociology departments were, like most other Australian university disciplines, dominated by men, Bryson was nevertheless to be a beneficiary of the youth of her chosen discipline in this country and the willingness of the new universities to branch out. Soon after, the Department of Anthropology and Sociology was established at Monash University, and, in 1965, she was appointed as a senior teaching fellow in sociology and was able to complete her doctorate there in 1970; it was published as An Australian Newtown (Bryson & Thompson) in 1972. Bettina Cass and Katy Richmond similarly benefited from the establishment of the new sociology departments in Australian universities in the 1960s, Cass at UNSW in 1974 and Richmond, a Jean Martin convert from history, at La Trobe in 1966.

A major breakthrough for women in sociology occurred in April 1966 when Jean Martin was appointed foundation professor of sociology at La Trobe University, the first woman sociology professor in Australia. This was in concert with the appointment of husband Allan Martin as foundation professor of history, thus enabling close links between the two departments both in subjects taught and in staff selected, such as Greg Dening, who was to help pioneer the 'anthropological turn' in the discipline of history. In achieving this professorial appointment, Jean Martin acknowledged the mentorship and support of Professor Hugh Stretton, with whom she had worked in Adelaide and who was a key contributor to the development of La Trobe University, as an influential member of the university's inaugural Council. On accepting the position at La Trobe, Jean had a very clear set of priorities. These were, first, to develop the department of sociology; second, to develop sociology as a discipline; third, to continue her own academic research; fourth, to nurture young sociologists; and fifth, to make a contribution to the development of Australian public policy in the area of social welfare and social reform.

Following existing models of university leadership, including that adopted by her early mentor, Professor A.P. Elkin, Jean was a 'god professor', but not of the over-bearing and dominating kind. She made the major decisions herself, though, when one or two senior sociologists had been appointed to the department, she consulted them on important matters. Jean delegated as much university committee work as she reasonably could. She did not see the need to involve herself in La Trobe University politics, though she made sure that she was included in significant committees such as those making professorial appointments. The fact that her husband, Allan Martin, was also a foundation professor at La Trobe University (and later dean of social sciences) meant that Jean always had a reliable source of information about university matters whenever she needed it.

In nurturing young sociologists, seeking research grants for them, and encouraging them to write well, Jean Martin's leadership was outstanding. From 1966 onwards, she made it a key priority to closely monitor the research design and publications of all social scientists who requested her comments and help. This was a very large task and it consumed a great deal of her time. But, typically, Jean's work was low-key and private, and her endeavours in this regard, by their very nature, were largely not documented. Long after ill-health forced her to leave La Trobe in 1974, she continued not only with a substantial level of postgraduate supervision, but also provided detailed critiques of former colleagues' draft publications. Indeed, 'she taught a generation of social scientists to think and write sociologically' (Richmond, ADB). Jean also worked hard to expand staff and postgraduate numbers in the Department of Sociology at La Trobe University and diligently searched for suitable people. On some occasions, she followed up her written correspondence with requests to visit potential staff members or postgraduate students in their homes. With her constant encouragement, many whom she sought out in this way developed considerable research profiles and later took up senior academic or bureaucratic positions.

Another high priority for Jean was the development of the Sociological Association of Australia and New Zealand (SAANZ), later TASA, which was being set up in 1963. She played an indirect but important behind-the-scenes role, though later served as president from 1969 to 1971. As she saw it, SAANZ would become an important tool in the development of sociology in Australia and she encouraged its growth in every way she could. In particular, she found departmental funds to enable staff and postgraduate students to attend its annual conference, and arranged for the appointment of a junior colleague as the business manager of the association's journal. Connell was influential in SAANZ, too, and in 1972 led a group of Australian sociologists in changing the policy of the association's journal. To that time, both SAANZ and the journal had been largely steered by a small group of 'insiders', who were mostly senior and conservative male academic sociologists, and who were unlikely to challenge what Connell later referred to as 'Northern' theory. At the 1972 annual conference of TASA, a structural change was achieved for the Journal, with a move away from an appointed to an elected editorial board and Connell became a board member. A key goal of the action taken in 1972 was to change journal policy so that each issue included a symposium focused on issues with social and practical importance to the nation. Though this was not sustained, symposium topics that did appear in the following years included education, power, poverty, and development in 'under-developed' societies. Lois Bryson also played an important role in the organisation at this time, helping to revolutionise its structure and to found its women's section in 1976, as well as serving as the first elected editor of the journal (1972-1975) and then as SAANZ president (1975-76). Katy Richmond, too, played a vital leading role in SAANZ/TASA's growth and diversification, forming and serving as first convener of the medical (later health) sociology section from 1967, and helping found the women's section as well as supplying the impetus for its newsletter, the first edition of which appeared in March 1979. It provided 'an important forum for women involved in sociology to communicate and develop supportive networks throughout Australia' (TASA website). Richmond was treasurer, secretary and vice president of TASA before holding the presidency from 1991 to 1992, after which she represented the society internationally and encouraged the International Sociological Association to hold a world congress in Australia (which finally took place in Brisbane in 2002). Connell, too, was actively involved in the association and its president from 1987-1988. Cora Baldock also played an important role. After earning her doctorate in New Zealand, she taught from the late 1970s, first at ANU and then at Murdoch University, where she spent the remainder of career and was appointed to a personal chair in 1993 (the university's first female professor as well as its first professor of sociology). She served as president of TASA from 1979 to 1980 and, during that time, founded the Jean Martin award committee to oversee the association's longest established prize (TASA website), awarded for the best doctoral thesis in Australia on a topic relevant to Jean's research interests, thus honouring her contribution to the discipline of sociology and her support for the association.

Jean Martin was elected a fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences of Australia in 1971 and, following her retirement from La Trobe, became a senior research fellow in the Department of Sociology, IAS, ANU in 1974; she remained there until her death in September 1979. This was a period of considerable personal achievement in terms of publications and public policy work. Her contribution to migration research had commenced with her doctoral study of refugee settlers in the 1950s and, over the next two decades, she wrote a number of papers on various aspects of migration, and, in addition, made a valuable contribution to public policy on the subject. Her two early books were succeeded in 1978 by The Migrant Presence and an important policy document, A Decade of Migrant Settlement, was published in 1976 by the Australian Population and Immigration Council's Social Studies Committee, of which Jean was chair. In 1981, a collection of her papers on ethnicity and pluralism, edited by Sol Encel, was published as The Ethnic Dimension. Jean was also a pioneer in recognising the importance of the arrival of refugees from Vietnam. Her unfinished study of Australia's earliest Vietnamese refugees was completed by Frank Lewins and Judith Ley after her death and was published in 1985 as The First Wave.

Jean's sustained efforts to support policy development and grounded social science research set her apart from many academics of her day and for this she was greatly respected among policy makers, welfare state professionals and ethnic leaders (Shaver). From the early 1960s until her death in 1979, she worked on a number of government committees. She was chairman of the Social Studies Committee of the Social Welfare Commission, a consultant to the Human Relations Commission, and a member of the National Committee on Social Science Teaching. She served on the Advisory Board of the Melbourne-based Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research, working in close association with Professor Ronald Henderson. Her influence on the first poverty survey and later the commission of inquiry was considerable, as Henderson himself reported (Richmond, ADB). Jean Martin was also a feminist, writing about the problems facing working women in a paper published in 1968. She also played a considerable role in the publication Girls, School and Society (1975) including chairing the committee that sought data for this publication. In addition, she was an active researcher for the book Who Cares? Family Problems, Community Links and Helping Services (1977) and one of her final reports was a study, with Phil Meade, entitled The Educational Experience of Sydney High School Students.

Martin's example of engaging in policy development as well as grounded academic research was followed by other early women leaders in sociology. Lois Bryson, for example, served in a senior position in the Victorian public service from 1981 to 1983, was a founding researcher on the very large and continuing Australian longitudinal study of women's health (Women's Health Australia) and has contributed to many organisations, including the Australian Association of Social Workers, the board of the Australian Institute of Family Studies, the research standing committee of the National Occupational Health and Safety Commission, the advisory committee on discrimination, Australian Defence Force, and the Australia Council's 1990s national summit of ideas. In addition, she has published widely on gender and the concept of community and on gender and policy. Bettina Cass was a part-time commissioner on the NSW Law Reform Commission, and, from 1986 to 1989, was director of the Commonwealth government's Social Security Review, which made recommendations to the minister in the areas of family income support, sole parent families, unemployment policies, income support in respect of illness and disability, and retirement incomes policy. During her time as dean of the Faculty of Arts at Sydney University, she was also a director of the Western Sydney Area Health Service Board (1997-2000) and chair of its research committee. She has written important reports for government on areas such as policies for single-parent families (Cass & O'Loughlin) and carers (Hill, Thomson & Cass), as well as co-editing, with Cora Baldock, the influential book-Women, Social Welfare and the State in Australia. Baldock, too, was engaged in policy work through membership of the federal government's Multicultural Advisory Committee, while Katy Richmond, in addition to her grounded research on the subjects of deviance, women in the workforce, health policy and mental illness, played a foundational role in the Women's Electoral Lobby, served a period as director of her local Bendigo Bank, and worked with the Australian Labor Party's Health and Community Services Committee in Victoria (1987-2006).

Another major leader in Australian sociology, Raewyn Connell, has made her mark through her theoretically important and innovative contributions to the understanding of many areas of social life, and especially gender issues. Her work has straddled education, gender studies, political science and history and is notable, not only for its provision of greater intellectual understanding, but also for providing practical insights. As she expresses it, a 'social theory should also help to formulate the general goals of politics' (Connell, 1987, xiv). A signature feature of her writing is that, while being theoretically grounded, insightful and creative, it is also focused on important day-to-day life issues and, unlike much academic writing, is accessible as well as illuminating and so speaks to audiences well beyond academics and their students. Connell's influence within Australian sociology was well illustrated by the results of a 2004 survey of members of TASA, , which asked them to name the books by Australian sociologists that had most influenced their work. Four of the top ten were written by Connell and, prior to 2000, she had been sole author of seven books, joint author of seven, and solely or jointly written over one hundred refereed journal articles and forty chapters for edited books. She had also written, or contributed to, many formal reports, papers, monographs, and encyclopaedia and web entries relevant to social policy. In the 21st century, her publication output became even greater and received even more extensive international, as well as local, acclaim, with her book, Masculinities (1997), recognised by an award from the American Sociological Society. This led to an invitation for her to work with United Nations agencies to provide leadership on matters concerned with masculinity, violence and peace-making.

Raewyn Connell has an academic family background. Her father (W.F. Connell) was an Australian educationalist who, after holding academic positions at the University of Melbourne, became, from 1955 until his retirement in 1976, professor of education at the University of Sydney. The Connell children accompanied their parents on visits to overseas universities, attending schools in London and the United States as well as in Sydney and Melbourne. As a much-published social researcher, W.F. Connell was well placed to model an academic career for his children, and Raewyn jointly authored papers and books with him. Although she was identified by others as male and published under the name R.W. Connell until 2006, she knew from a very young age that her social assignment to the male gender was inappropriate. For this reason, this entry refers to her throughout as Raewyn Connell.

After completing her doctorate in the Department of Government at the University of Sydney, and a post-doctoral fellowship at the University of Chicago (1970), Connell had short academic appointments at Sydney and Flinders Universities. She was then appointed to the foundation chair of sociology at Macquarie University, the youngest Australian academic to hold a professorial position in sociology. In 1996, she was appointed professor of education at Sydney University (the chair her father had held) and, in 2004, in recognition of her outstanding work, she was appointed to the lifetime position of university professor of Sydney University. Since then she has also held shorter visiting posts at the London University Institute of Education, the University of Toronto (Canada), the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the University of Southern California, Harvard University, Ruhr-Universität Bochum (Germany) and the National Research Foundation, South Africa.

Much of Connell's early writing and research focused on social class and inequality, but she has since become best known for her extensive work on gender issues relating to girls, boys, women and men. An early book of essays linked sex, class and culture (Connell, 1983), three elements that remain central to her work. However, her first book specifically on gender issues was Gender and Power: Society, the Person and Sexual Politics. Although first published in 1987, it was still in print well into the second decade of the 21st century and is concerned with gender as a large-scale social structure, as well as a personal issue involving identity. She suggests, for example, that if 'a woman is defined hierarchically so that the male idea of a woman defines womanhood, and if men have power, this idea becomes reality' (Connell, 1987, 119). In tune with her emphasis on this relevance for social change, she also discusses strategies to redress this problem.

Masculinities, broadly concerned with similar issues, was first published in 1995 when male gender issues were becoming subject to more extensive sociological analysis and discussion. This has since become her most internationally cited, acclaimed and influential book, ahead of Gender and Power. As with Raewyn's other work, it is concerned not only with the theoretical, but also with practical issues and with promoting social change. To this end, she examines how the experiences of the feminist and sexual liberation movements have contributed to understanding the politics of masculinity. She also discusses the knotty problems associated with shifting men from their generally privileged social position. To do this, she suggests that the goal should be 'to recompose, rather than delete, the cultural elements of gender' (Connell, 1995, 234).

While gender themes have been central to Connell's work and remain so, she has also been a major contributor to discussions of a range of other important issues. In the mid-1990s she turned her attention to challenging what she identifies as the 'Northern' bias of virtually all sociological theory, from the early history of the discipline to the present. Begun in 1995, the book was published in 2007 as Southern Theory: The Global Dynamics of Knowledge in Social Science. In it she challenges the intellectual hold that theorists from Western Europe and the USA (the 'metropole' or 'global North') have had on sociological theory and social analysis. Her challenge to this 'Northern Theory' concerns its inability to accommodate the 'settler' history of countries such as Australia, especially in relation to the social situation of their original Indigenous citizens. This concern led her to explore a very different, and more encompassing theoretical approach, which she designates 'Southern Theory'. As with her other work, 'Southern Theory' reflects her determination that sociology should not only have theoretical, but also practical relevance to contemporary social life.

While Connell's academic leadership and her capacity for insightful sociological analysis were undoubtedly influenced by her academic family background, her gender circumstances seem almost certainly to have played a key role in the development of her insightful 'sociological imagination'. Although from a very young age, she knew that her social assignment to the male gender was incorrect, at the time, transsexual issues were not widely discussed and Raewyn did not make public her gender identity until the death in 1997, from cancer, of Pam Benton, her talented, much loved, highly supportive partner and the mother of their daughter. Making public her female identity then occurred over a period of time and involved some medical intervention. A final, formal declaration was made in 2006 when she officially changed her name, from R.W. to Raewyn (R.W.) Connell. This public announcement stimulated some questioning about the author's gender and her work, specifically in relation to the book 'Masculinities', her most widely known and acclaimed work. For example, on a website focused on issues of transsexualism, the comment was lodged: 'We hope Connell reflects about her change of identity, because it is a paradox that the most important intellectual of masculinity is now a women'. This statement, however, is itself paradoxical, given that a change of name is hardly likely to represent a change of intellectual capacity. It is also paradoxical in light of her earlier important work on feminist issues, which was not challenged on the grounds of the (wrongly) perceived 'male' gender of the author. On the contrary, the work was widely embraced by women for its deep understanding of women's position, as well as its rationale for their activism, and for providing insights into the difficulties of achieving change. In the 21st century, Connell expanded the scope of her role in relation to gender issues through discussions of transsexualism, and these too have been applauded for their insight.

An intriguing question concerns the impact of Connell's gender identity on her career trajectory. Had she from birth been publicly, as well as personally, identified as female, would it have taken the same course? Given her personal capacities and family background, there can be little doubt that she would have become successful in her profession of choice, as her sisters have been in theirs. However it seems less likely that she would have produced such original, important and broad-ranging sociological insights into gendered social issues had her life circumstances been different. These seem likely to have played an important role in shaping her particular sociological imagination, something for which sociologists and those interested in social issues generally should remain grateful.

The extent of Raewyn Connell's achievements makes it difficult briefly to paint a picture of her leadership within the social sciences and, inevitably, important aspects are not even touched on here. By the end of the 20th century, she had made an indelible mark on the sociological understanding of social issues and her world-wide influence continued to reach well beyond academia, as illustrated by her work on men and violence for the United Nations.

While this entry has focused primarily on important individuals, and especially the key pioneering figures of Jean Martin and Raewyn Connell, it is important to note that the gender turn that began in Australia in the early 1970s and was connected strongly to the resurgent feminism of that period meant that groups of women working collectively have also helped significantly in advancing sociologists' understanding of sex, gender, sexuality and inequality. In Melbourne in 1981, Feminism In Social Theory (FIST) brought together a heterogeneous group of women from varied backgrounds to read and think about social theory from a feminist perspective. Their lively monthly discussions traversed new developments in feminist theory with the hope of precipitating what Patricia Gowland (later Morrigan), in a FIST discussion paper, described as 'a furious feminist ferment of discussion among the women of SAANZ' (FIST Discussion Paper, 21st June 1981, 2). While FIST explicitly rejected formal positions of leadership, women like Joanna Wynn, now professor of education at Melbourne University, and Tanya Castleman, now associate dean Faculty of Business at Deakin University, were key members who helped to shape the program of FIST (Joanna) and keep it functioning (Tanya). They could be seen as leaders through their collectivist work in this group.

Groups like FIST or the floating of the Women and Labour Collective, which organised several influential conferences in the 1970s and 80s, brought together sociologists and members of other disciplines and offered a way for those who saw themselves as activists as well as academics to get gender onto university agendas with the object of changing their own work environment. Women like Patricia Morrigan, whose feminist activism began at the same time as her enrolment as a mature age sociology student, divided their time between academic work and work in the new field of equal opportunity. In combining research and teaching work with community and policy activism, they continued the practical orientation of Martin, Bryson, Cass, Baldock, Richmond and Connell, though within a more collectivist model of operation. Others, like Kerreen Reiger, who until her retirement taught gender studies at La Trobe University, were important figures in various parts of the inchoate and intersecting world of feminist movements (in Kerreen's case focusing on birthing rights). Both these women participated in FIST and the Women and Labour collective. But leading women sociologists have not always focused solely on gender issues, as was evident in the work of Martin, Bryson and Connell. While Lyn Richards, now retired, began her career at La Trobe University as a family sociologist with a feminist bent, it was as a methodologist and pioneer in the field of qualitative analysis software that her leadership was most evident.

This short discussion has focused largely on women sociologists located within the academy, and on those who have attained senior positions there by dint of publications that are recognisably sociological. While individual biographies can add something to the account of the evolution of the discipline, it is important to also recognise that alongside those who can be recognised as leaders, the actions, collective and otherwise, of many women whose formal careers have been less than brilliant have also played an important role in shaping the trajectory of Australian sociology over the last half century.

Published Resources


  • Baldock, Cora Vellekoop, Volunteers in Welfare, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, New South Wales, 1990. Details
  • Baldock, Cora Vellekoop and Cass, Bettina, Women, Social Welfare and the State in Australia, 2nd edn, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, New South Wales, 1988. Details
  • Bryson, Lois, Welfare and the State: Who Benefits, Macmillan/British Sociological Association, Basingstoke, England, 1992. Details
  • Bryson, Lois and Thompson, Faith, An Australian Newtown, Penguin Books, Richmond, Victoria, 1972. Details
  • Cass, B; Dawson, M; Temple, D; Wills, S and Winkler, A, Why So Few? Women Academics in Australia, Sydney University Press, Sydney, New South Wales, 1983. Details
  • Connell, R. W., Which Way Is Up? Essays on Sex, Class and Culture, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, New South Wales, 1983, 278 pp. Details
  • Connell, R. W., Masculinities, 2nd edn, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, New South Wales, 2005, 324 pp. Details
  • Connell, R. W., Southern Theory: The Global Dynamics of Knowledge in Social Science, Cambridge Polity Press, Malden, United States of America, 2007, 271 pp. Details
  • Connell, R. W. and Gould, Florence, Politics of the Extreme Right: Warringah 1966, Sydney University Press, Sydney, New South Wales, 1967. Details
  • Connell, Raewyn, Gender and Power: Society, the Person, and Sexual Politics, Polity Press, Cambridge, England, 1987. Details
  • Connell, W. F.; Stroobant, R. E.; Sinclair, K. E.; Connell, R. W.; and Rogers, K., Twelve to Twenty: A Study of Teenagers in Sydney, Hicks Smith, Sydney, New South Wales, 1975. Details
  • Franzway, Suzanne; Court, Dianne and Connell, Raewyn, Staking a Claim: Feminism, Bureaucracy and the State, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, New South Wales, 1989. Details
  • Martin, Jean, The Migrant Presence: Australian Responses, 1947 - 1977, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, New South Wales, 1978. Details
  • Martin, Jean I., Refugee Settlers: A Study of Displaced Persons in Australia, Australian National University (ANU) E Press, Canberra, Australian Capital Territory, 1965. Details
  • Martin, Jean I., Community and Identity: Refugee Groups in Adelaide, Australian National University (ANU) E Press, Canberra, Australian Capital Territory, 1972. Details

Book Sections

  • Shaver, Sheila, 'Sex and Money in the Welfare State', in Cora Vellekoop Baldock and Bettina Cass (eds), Women, Social Welfare and the State in Australia, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, New South Wales, 1983, pp. 150 - 168. Details

Conference Papers

  • Cass, B and O'Longhlin, M A, 'Social Policies for Single Parent Families in Australia: An Analysis and a Comparison with Sweden', in Social Welfare Research Centre Reports and Proceedings, vol. 40, The University of New South Wales (UNSW), 1984, p. 86. Details

Edited Books

  • Encel, Sol (ed.), The ethnic dimension : papers on ethnicity and pluralism /‚Äč by Jean Martin ; edited with an introduction by S. Encel, Martin, Jean I., George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, New South Wales, 1981. Details

Journal Articles

  • Anderson, Faye, 'Into The Night: Max Crawford, The Labyrinth of The Social Studies Enquiry and ASIO's 'Spoiling Operations'', Australian Historical Studies, vol. 36, no. 125, 2005, pp. 60 - 80. Details
  • Bryson, Lois, 'Some Reflections on Australian Sociology and its Political Context', Histories of Australian Sociology, Melbourne University Publishing, Melbourne, Victoria, 2005, pp. 29-41. Details
  • Bryson, Lois and Mowbray, Martin, 'Community: The Spray-on Solution', Australian Journal of Social Issues, vol. 16, no. 4, 1981, pp. 255 - 267. Details
  • Bryson, Lois and Wearing, Betsy, 'Australian Community Studies - A Feminist Critique', The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, vol. 21, no. 3, 1985. Details
  • Maharaj, Zarina, 'A Social Theory of Gender: Connell's 'Gender and Power'', Feminist Review, vol. 49, 1995, pp. 50 - 65. Details



  • Martin, Jean I. (Chair), A Decade of Migrant Settlement: Report on the 1973 Immigration Survey, Australian Population and Immigration Council Social Studies Committee, Australian Government Publishing Service (AGPS), Canberra, Australian Capital Territory, 1976. Details

Online Resources